Media Release: ICAN Australia Condemns Strikes on Iran and Calls on Australia to Champion International Law and Diplomacy

Media Release: ICAN Australia Condemns Strikes on Iran and Calls on Australia to Champion International Law and Diplomacy

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Media Release: ICAN Australia Condemns Strikes on Iran and Calls on Australia to Champion International Law and Diplomacy

The International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN) Australia joins ICAN International to unequivocally condemn yesterday’s military strikes by the United States and Israel on Iran. Nuclear-armed states launching unlawful attacks is no way to reduce nuclear threats. 

Responding to the Australian government’s position stating its approval of the US “acting to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon”, ICAN Australia calls on the government to support diplomatic efforts to encourage the parties to the conflict to an immediate return to negotiations and to bolster its own position on nuclear non-proliferation by signing the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW).  

These shocking events have provoked a dangerous escalation in an already volatile region. This is underscored by the impact of retaliatory attacks on US bases in Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates, making the need to de-escalate more urgent. 

As a close military partner of the United States, Australia cannot assume it is insulated from these risks. By hosting joint facilities, providing logistical support, and willingly accommodating the enlarged presence of US forces in Australia, including nuclear-capable submarines and aircraft; Australia’s increasing vulnerability to the risk of entanglement is clear. 

ICAN Australia Co-Chairs Tara Gutman and Marianne Hanson stated:

“Australia is being too quick to support force, and too slow to grow peace.” 

“Australia was among the first nations to announce it backed the US and Israeli strikes. In doing so, it has aligned itself with high-risk military action before diplomatic avenues were exhausted and is knowingly condoning clear violations of international law—the very backbone of international peace and security architecture.”

“The United States and Israel are both nuclear-armed states. A conflict being waged by not one but two nuclear powers further heightens the risk of miscalculation, misunderstanding and mistake. The best way to manage nuclear risks is through diplomacy and respect for international law.  Australia needs to hold these principles close, not dispense with them.”

“By adding Australia to the list of 99 countries who have joined the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, Australia would be supporting the only global, legally binding instrument designed to comprehensively prohibit  nuclear weapons and reduce nuclear risk. This would also ring fence Australia from nuclear risks inherent in our growing military integration with nuclear-armed allies.”

“The only way to avoid nuclear catastrophe and to discourage more states from seeking their own nuclear weapons, is to uphold and vigorously defend international law and to implement the TPNW—a treaty which seeks to ban nuclear weapons for all states. In moments of crisis such as these, the temptation is to close ranks. The responsibility of middle powers like Australia, however, is in fact the opposite: to insist that the rules matter most when they are most inconvenient.”

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The world is drifting back towards unconstrained nuclear danger – Marianne Hanson

The world is drifting back towards unconstrained nuclear danger – Marianne Hanson

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The world is drifting back towards unconstrained nuclear danger – Marianne Hanson

The world is drifting back towards unconstrained nuclear danger

With the expiration of the New START treaty and the erosion of arms control agreements, the safeguards that once limited nuclear danger are rapidly disappearing – despite decades of evidence that restraint reduces catastrophic risk.

A number of recent developments on the nuclear weapons radar should concern us all.

On 5 February, we saw the end of the most important nuclear weapons agreement between Washington and Moscow. The NewSTART treaty, an extension of the process initiated between George H W Bush and Mikhail Gorbachev in 1991, the  Strategic Arms Reduction treaties, significantly lowered the number of strategic offensive nuclear weapons between the two states.

The treaty was suspended some years ago amid worsening relations between Washington and Moscow but it always carried the option for renewal. That option is now gone. N ewSTART’s expiration is a further nail in the coffin of attempts to reduce nuclear dangers. It marks a new low in what has been a period of disregard for the carefully achieved arms control measures of the past.

But it is just one development showing how dangerously far the world has drifted away from restraint in nuclear policies.

Most people are unaware that the very first Resolution to be adopted by the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) on 24 January 1946 called for the establishment of mechanisms to eliminate nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction from national arsenals. Adopted by consensus and supported by the major Allied powers (the United States, the United Kingdom, France, China, and the Soviet Union), Resolution 1 recognised the hugely destructive potential that nuclear weapons held.

Yet despite us knowing of these dangers, Resolution 1 has never been implemented. There are still around 12,200 nuclear weapons in existence today – held by Russia, the US, China, France, the UK, Pakistan, India, Israel, and North Korea. The combined destructive power of this remaining global arsenal is the equivalent of 146,000 Hiroshima bombs, meaning we could drop one Hiroshima-sized bomb every day for the next 400 years, or if you prefer, one every hour for the next 17 years.

All nine nuclear weapon states are modernising their arsenals, and all threaten to use them. Analysts at the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists’ Doomsday Clock, which measures the likelihood of catastrophic nuclear war and other planetary-destroying scenarios, last month  shifted the clock’s hands from 89 to 85 seconds to midnight – the closest we have ever been to a potential nuclear disaster. This shift is the result of continued sabre-rattling between nuclear-armed states, the dangers of misperception or miscalculation, risks of cyberwarfare and AI use, and the loss of so many treaties.

This gloomy situation wasn’t always the case: at the height of the Cold War,  America and the Soviet Union regularly engaged in talks and risk-reduction measures. But New START is now expired,  and there is no chance now for either party to renew it. The treaty ensured not only that the number of deployed strategic nuclear warheads held by each side would be capped; it also allowed for the exchange of observers, transfer of information and intentions, and the development of trust and transparency between these states. That is all gone. Other treaties, notably the Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty, and the Open Skies Treaty, have also fallen by the wayside.

Today, it seems that complying with international law, focusing on active diplomacy and developing international confidence-building measures, have all fallen out of fashion. But it beggars belief to think that the world is safer without the rules and constraints negotiated in the past. Such agreements were seen as hard-headed and necessary. But today there is little left to limit nuclear risks.

International humanitarian law requires that nuclear weapons will never be used. Their continued existence cannot be tolerated. The dangers of accidental or deliberate use remain too high for comfort, and the cost of maintaining them is unacceptable in a world which requires urgent attention to climate change, global inequality, genocide, and other pressing issues. The excuse that these states ‘need’ these weapons for deterrence is increasingly flimsy and risky.

The UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) recognises that, like other weapons of mass destruction, nuclear weapons can be stigmatised, outlawed, and eventually abolished. The technology for doing so is there; so too is the will of the people – including in Australia, where the Labor government is yet to fulfil its promise to sign the TPNW.

Eighty years ago, leaders at the UN knew that nuclear weapons posed an existential danger to humanity and the planet; this judgement remains the same today. The collapse of NewSTART and nuclear restraints more generally is no accident. It is the result of political choices and can be restored in the same way. To create a safer future, the US and Russia must act with integrity now. And our government must choose to support the elimination of nuclear weapons.

The views expressed in this article may or may not reflect those of Pearls and Irritations.

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Media Release: End of New START escalates risks for Australia

Media Release: End of New START escalates risks for Australia

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Media Release: End of New START escalates risks for Australia

The collapse of the New START treaty on 5 February removes the last legally binding limits on the world’s two largest nuclear arsenals at a time of heightened global tension and nuclear threats.

With inspections halted, data exchanges frozen, and no successor agreement in place, the end of New START marks a decisive breakdown of nuclear restraint between Russia and the United States, which together possess 87% of the world’s nuclear weapons.

The treaty’s verification, notification, on-site inspection and dispute resolution mechanisms provided ongoing communication, reduced uncertainty and helped prevent miscalculation. Their loss deepens mistrust and increases the risk of escalation.

The end of New START also exposes a central failure of deterrence and arms control. Arms control can regulate numbers and deployments but does not eliminate nuclear weapons. When restraint collapses or accidents or cyberattack happen, so does the system meant to prevent nuclear catastrophe.

Dr Tilman Ruff, ICAN founding chair, said:

“New START was the last treaty constraint on the most destructive weapons ever built. Its collapse leaves the world more dangerous and less predictable. 

“We are back in a full-scale arms race. Russia and the US could double their deployed nuclear weapons within months of New START’s end unless President Trump takes up President Putin’s offer to continue to respect New START’s limits. He should do this urgently.”

“But this would not be enough. Nuclear-armed states should start negotiations to verifiably eliminate their Doomsday arsenals, as they committed to do more than 50 years ago in the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.”

“The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons lights the path forward. It draws a clear line—nuclear weapons are illegal, unacceptable, and must be eliminated— and it provides the only internationally agreed, verified, time-bound framework to do so.”

The end of New START has immediate implications for Australia. Close to half the US B52 bombers planned for ongoing deployment at RAAF Tindal in the NT starting this year—which were modified to be unable to carry nuclear weapons under the New START Treaty—can quickly again be made nuclear-capable. That would mean that for the first time in decades nuclear weapons could be brought into and launched from Australia, even without Australia knowing.

Dr Ruff said:

“Australia cannot credibly support nuclear restraint and disarmament while standing outside the global ban, which has been joined by over half the world’s nations. The best way to put sovereign guardrails excluding nuclear weapons around our military cooperation with the United States is to join the ban treaty. The end of New START makes doing that, as Labor’s national policy platform commits, more urgent.”

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The only remaining US‑Russia nuclear treaty expires this week. Could a new arms race soon accelerate? – Tilman Ruff for The Conversation

The only remaining US‑Russia nuclear treaty expires this week. Could a new arms race soon accelerate? – Tilman Ruff for The Conversation

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The only remaining US‑Russia nuclear treaty expires this week. Could a new arms race soon accelerate? – Tilman Ruff for The Conversation

The only remaining US‑Russia nuclear treaty expires this week. Could a new arms race soon accelerate?

Tilman Ruff, The University of Melbourne

The New START treaty, the last remaining agreement constraining Russian and US nuclear weapons, is due to lapse on February 4.

There are no negotiations to extend the terms of the treaty, either. As US President Donald Trump said dismissively in a recent interview, “if it expires, it expires”.

The importance of the New START treaty is hard to overstate. As other nuclear treaties have been abrogated in recent years, this was the only deal left with notification, inspection, verification and treaty compliance mechanisms between Russia and the US. Between them, they possess 87% of the world’s nuclear weapons.

The demise of the treaty will bring a definitive and alarming end to nuclear restraint between the two powers. It may very well accelerate the global nuclear arms race, too.

What is New START?

The New START or Prague Treaty was signed by then-US President Barack Obama and his Russian counterpart, Dimitri Medvedev, in Prague on April 8, 2010. It entered into force the following year.

It superseded a 2002 treaty that obligated Russia and the United States to reduce their operationally deployed, strategic nuclear warheads to between 1,700 and 2,200 by the end of 2012.

The New START Treaty called for further reductions on long-range nuclear weapons and provided greater specificity about different types of launchers. The new limits were:

  • 700 deployed intercontinental and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (together with heavy bombers)
  • 1,550 nuclear warheads deployed on those platforms, and
  • 800 launchers (both deployed and non-deployed).

These reductions were achieved by February 5, 2018.

The treaty included mechanisms for compliance and verification, which have worked effectively. It provided for twice-yearly exchanges of data and ongoing mutual notification about the movement of strategic nuclear forces, which in practice occurred on a nearly daily basis.

Importantly, the treaty also mandated short-notice, on-site inspections of missiles, warheads and launchers covered by the treaty, providing valuable and stabilising insights into the other’s nuclear deployments.

Lastly, the treaty established a bilateral consultative commission and clear procedures to resolve questions or disputes.

Limitations of the deal

The treaty was criticised at the time for its modest reductions and the limited types of nuclear weapons it covered.

But the most enduring downside was the political price Obama paid to achieve ratification by the US Senate.

To secure sufficient Republican support, he agreed to a long-term program of renewal and modernisation of the entire US nuclear arsenal – in addition to the facilities and programs that produce and maintain nuclear weapons. The overall pricetag was estimated to reach well over US$2 trillion.

This has arguably done more harm by entrenching the United States’ possession of nuclear weapons and thwarting prospects for disarmament.

As the New START treaty was about to expire in 2021, Russia offered to extend it for another five years, as allowed under the terms. US President Donald Trump, however, refused to reciprocate.

After winning the 2020 US presidential election, Joe Biden did agree to extend the treaty on February 3, 2021, just two days before it would have expired. The treaty does not provide for any further extensions.

In February 2023, Russia suspended its implementation of key aspects of the treaty, including stockpile data exchange and on-site inspections. It did not formally withdraw, however, and committed to continue to abide by the treaty’s numerical limits on warheads, missiles and launchers.

What could happen next

With the imminent expiry of the treaty this year, Russian President Vladimir Putin announced in September 2025 that he was prepared to continue observing the numerical limits for one more year if the US acted similarly.

Besides an off-the-cuff comment by Trump – “it sounds like a good idea to me” – the US did not formally respond to the Russian offer.

Trump has further complicated matters by insisting that negotiations on any future nuclear arms control agreements include China. However, China has consistently refused this. There is also no precedent for such trilateral nuclear control or disarmament negotiations, which would no doubt be long and complex. Though growing, China’s arsenal is still less than 12% the size of the US arsenal and less than 11% the size of Russia’s.

The New START treaty now looks set to expire without any agreement to continue to observe its limits until a successor treaty is negotiated.

This means Russia and the US could increase their deployed warheads by 60% and 110%, respectively, within a matter of months. This is because both have the capacity to load a larger number of warheads on their missiles and bombers than they currently do. Both countries also have large numbers of warheads in reserve or slated for dismantlement, but still intact.

If they took these steps, both countries could effectively double their deployed strategic nuclear arsenals.

The end of the treaty’s verification, data exchanges, and compliance and notification processes would also lead to increased uncertainty and distrust. This, in turn, could lead to a further build-up of both countries’ already gargantuan military capabilities.

An ominous warning

The most unsettling part of this development: it means nuclear disarmament, and even more modest arms control, is now moribund.

No new negotiations for disarmament or even reducing nuclear risks are currently under way. None are scheduled to begin.

At a minimum, after New START expires this week, both Russia and the US should agree to stick to its limits until they negotiate further reductions.

And, 56 years after making a binding commitment in the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty to achieve nuclear disarmament, both nations should work to implement a verifiable agreement among all nuclear-armed states to eliminate their arsenals.

But Russia, the US and and other nuclear-armed states are moving in the opposite direction.

Trump’s actions since taking office a second time – from bombing Iran to toppling Venezuela’s leader – show his general disdain for international law and treaties. They also affirm his desire to use any instrument of power to assert US (and his personal) interests and supremacy.

Putin, meanwhile, has used of a nuclear-capable intermediate-range ballistic missile to strike Ukraine, made repeated threats to use nuclear weapons against Kyiv and the West, and continued his unprecedented and profoundly dangerous weaponisation of Ukraine’s nuclear power plants.

These moves signal a more aggressive Russian stance that rides roughshod over the UN Charter, as well.

All of this bodes ill for preventing nuclear war and making progress on nuclear disarmament.The Conversation

Tilman Ruff, Honorary Principal Fellow, School of Population and Global Health, The University of Melbourne

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Media Release: Doomsday Clock warns of rising nuclear danger—Australia can still change course

Media Release: Doomsday Clock warns of rising nuclear danger—Australia can still change course

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Media Release: Doomsday Clock warns of rising nuclear danger—Australia can still change course

Today, the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists reset the Doomsday Clock from 89 to 85 seconds to midnight, signalling that humanity is moving closer to catastrophe.

The new setting reflects a world facing escalating nuclear dangers and a full-blown new nuclear arms race, widening wars, rapid advances in artificial intelligence, and the accelerating climate crisis. Together, these threats are compounding global instability and increasing the risk of miscalculation and mass harm.

A central driver of this worsening outlook is the collapse of nuclear restraint. The impending end of the New START Treaty will remove the last remaining, binding limits on the world’s two largest nuclear arsenals, stripping away vital guardrails against escalation at a time of heightened tension and mistrust.

The Doomsday Clock has long delivered a consistent message: tweaking nuclear weapons does not make the world safe. As long as these weapons exist, the risk of catastrophic use—by design, accident or miscalculation—remains.

 ICAN co-founder, A/Prof Tilman Ruff AO, said: 

“The Doomsday Clock is telling us what nuclear-armed states refuse to acknowledge: restraint is breaking down, and the danger is growing. They are repudiating international law and cooperation, making threats and using mis- and dis-information campaigns, and ratcheting up nuclear brinkmanship. ”

“With New START ending next week, the last limits on US and Russian nuclear arsenals are disappearing. Deployed nuclear weapons can be expected to rise alongside an arms race in space. Their failure of leadership puts everyone at risk.”

“Wars in Ukraine and Gaza, the integration of artificial intelligence into military systems, and the accelerating climate crisis all intensify instability—but nuclear weapons remain the most immediate existential threat.”

“Decades of arms control have failed to deliver disarmament. Now even those hard-won constraints are in tatters. Nuclear-armed states continue to modernise, expand and threaten to use their arsenals while forcing the rest of the world to live with the consequences.”

“The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons exists because this approach has failed. It sets a clear international standard that nuclear weapons are illegal for everyone and must be eliminated, and includes the only internationally agreed framework for their elimination.”

Implications for Australia

The new Doomsday Clock setting reinforces the urgency for Australia to move beyond statements of concern and align its security policy with international law by joining the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. Dr Ruff said:

“Australia cannot credibly respond to this warning while standing outside the nuclear weapons ban, and providing increasing assistance for the possible use of US nuclear weapons, including by the deployment in Australia this year of B-52 bombers that can now carry nuclear weapons, and in future years, submarines that are likely to again carry nuclear weapons. Joining the treaty is the most meaningful step we can take to help turn the Doomsday Clock back.”

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